Mady faleceu com 70 anos, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, em 11 de junho de Sarandalhas poemas. Ponguetti: Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: Philobiblion. Cronicas da minha cidade. Letra Capital. Moacir Andrade. Foi tema de uma reportagem do Jornal a Critica em A artista plastica - MADY. Casado com Graziela Reis com que teve cinco filhos.
Deixou o governo em 31 de janeiro de , sendo sucedido por Danilo Areosa. Principais obras de ACFR. Officinas Typographicas de A. Reis: Manaus. Lobo d'Almada. Valer: Manaus , Imprensa Nacional: Rio de Janeiro. Separata do vol. Romualdo de Souza Coelho. Editora da Universidade do Amazonas.
Portugueses e Brasileiros na Guina Francesa. Os Cadernos de Cultura, v. Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira. Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa: Lisboa. Revista Ocidente: Lisboa. Companhia Editora Americana: Rio de Janeiro. Valer: Manaus. Amazonas, p. Face it! Brazilian democracy was ailing before it contracted covid Both reality and the counterfactual feature President Bolsonaro, a right-wing, authoritarian populist who is vocally enthusiastic about military interventions in democratic politics.
In both, Brazilian democracy is at risk, yet its prospects for survival could ultimately be better under covid If the pandemic is a crucible, Brazilian democracy is likely to emerge brittle but intact. His vehement defense of the drug hydroxychloroquine HCQ —an antimalarial initially thought to show some promise in fighting the symptoms of covid, but later scientifically linked to null or adverse outcomes—epitomizes his approach. Over the next decade he would advance to the rank of captain, serving in the artillery and the airborne.
His career was not a quiet one. Reprimanded, he spent fifteen days in a military jail. Eleven months later, he again made headlines when a journalist from the same magazine reported a plan by Bolsonaro and a colleague to detonate bombs in bathrooms on a military base—just to frighten the Army minister during salary negotiations, they said, not to hurt anyone.
The Supreme Military Tribunal overturned his convictions on both counts of insubordination, tacitly requiring that he leave active duty. Decades later, journalists concluded that the court had invented evidence from a handwriting analysis to absolve him. A number of themes emerge from these early stories.
He was loyal to the idea of the institution and to the men he wanted to lead, but disobedient to hierarchy and authority. Intriguingly, however, his rebellion was performative: He never consummated it, and it became known only through things that he and others wrote. Did he actually intend to set off a bomb? Almost certainly, no one will ever know. Nonetheless, his perhaps-symbolic rebellion helped him to build a political base, and thereby to skirt the consequences of his actions. From to , President Dilma Rousseff faced an ever-intensifying series of challenges.
Some elites may also have acted against Rousseff in the belief that impeaching her would forestall investigations of their own misdeeds. He led a party that had once been a PT coalition partner but which had since become a rival, and indeed an orchestrator of impeachment. To engineer a vote to shut down the criminal trial, he opened the fiscal spigots, handing control over massive patronage spending to his former congressional colleagues. The maneuver saved his presidency but made him extremely unpopular; by , his approval was in the low single digits.
What is more, the occurrence of these two errors in a row may have hurt democratic accountability in a way that made them collectively worse than the sum of their parts. If a letter to the editor had raised Bolsonaro to national prominence in , YouTube, WhatsApp, Twitter, and Facebook were the media through which he reached voters in If, instead, the critical mass blocks antidemocratic maneuvers, they can tug the regime back to a democratic status quo.
In such a tug-of-war, other actors must anticipate that the authoritarian leader will keep yanking his end of the rope occasionally. As a result, potential authoritarians threaten democracy even when the polity effectively resists them; stasis requires vigilance and resistance. Within his first months, a corruption scandal engulfed his Social Liberal Party, which he and his three politician sons had joined only to contest the election.
Jair Bolsonaro initially planned to create his own new party, but as of this writing in September , he remains partyless. It was a stroke of good luck for Bolsonaro that a key agenda item, pension reform, was enacted anyway thanks to the highly effective Rodrigo Maia, a center-right politician who since has served as president of the Chamber of Deputies. Initially, Bolsonaro balanced his cabinet appointments across his various constituencies, yet over time he has come to depend increasingly on appointees from the military some retired and some on active duty.
At the time, one might have expected the health system to respond with unusually high competence. Indeed, in the early days of the pandemic, the Health Ministry appeared to be springing into action once again. Bolsonaro has treated the pandemic as less a public-health crisis than a public-relations challenge. At the same time, Bolsonaro has promoted unproven remedies such as HCQ. It was not wholly unexpected, then, when he was diagnosed with covid in mid-July, while his wife Michelle Bolsonaro caught the virus in early August.
President Bolsonaro attributed the mild course of his illness to his practice of taking HCQ. Over the course of the pandemic, Bolsonaro has experienced friction with Congress, the courts, and the bureaucracies of the executive branch, all of which have checked his decisions.
In the first months of the pandemic, Health Minister Luiz Henrique Mandetta, a technocratic Bolsonaro appointee, became a popular television guest for his willingness to endorse mainstream public-health guidance in open opposition to Bolsonaro. On April 16, Bolsonaro replaced Mandetta with the oncologist Nelson Teich, but he resigned after four weeks due to disagreements with the president. Since late May, the position has been held by an interim appointee, Eduardo Pazuello. A general in the Brazilian Army, he has proven more willing to go along with Bolsonaro.
This institutional resistance must be understood within a broader context unrelated to the pandemic. The administration has faced other, coincidental crises since March. Several long-running police investigations of Bolsonaro, his sons, and his wife appear to have progressed substantially in recent months. All these crises have weakened Bolsonaro relative to the other branches. Juan Linz famously argued that the interbranch conflict endemic to presidentialism imperils democracy.
In late May and June, Bolsonaro and several Army generals in his administration began to advocate more forcefully the closure of the STF. Concerned about constitutional justifications, the generals have focused on Article The senior active-duty ranks of all three services Army, Navy, and Air Force reject that interpretation, however, as do the STF and the courts generally. Retired general Augusto Heleno, however, had a different idea. He convinced Bolsonaro to back down. Still, it remains unclear how serious the threats are.
It may be safer to rattle sabers than to use them. Following recent crises, Maia has now left the coalition, forming a large parliamentary bloc of center-right parties that identifies itself as belonging neither to the government nor to the opposition. Nonetheless, Maia continues to resist calls to impeach Bolsonaro, and a number of observers criticize him for being too soft on the president.
For instance, footage from an April cabinet meeting revealed Environment Minister Ricardo Salles suggesting that the health emergency provided a good opportunity for pushing through changes that watered down environmental regulations. I suspect that in the alternative timeline, democracy would be at greater risk.
The challenge of the pandemic may also be making parts of Brazilian civil society stronger.
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